By Donald G. Mathews
Intercourse, Gender, and the Politics of period is the main profound and delicate dialogue thus far of ways within which ladies spoke back to feminism. Drawing on broad examine and interviews, Mathews and De Hart discover the destiny of the period in North Carolina--one of the 3 states distinctive by way of each side as necessary to ratification--to demonstrate the dynamics that shocked supporters throughout the United States. The authors insightfully hyperlink public discourse and personal emotions, putting arguments used through the state within the own contexts of ladies who pleaded their situations for and opposed to equality. starting with a examine of lady suffrage, the publication indicates how problems with intercourse, gender, race, and tool remained powerful guns at the period battlefield. the tips of such vocal competitors as Phyllis Schlafly and Senator Sam Ervin set the proper degree for moms to admit their terror on the violation in their daughters in a post-ERA global, whereas the possibility of wasting ratification to this terror impelled supporters to shed the white gloves of genteel lobbying for the wrestle boots of political in-fighting. in any case, the efforts of period supporters may possibly neither outweigh the symbolic activities of its competitors nor weaken the resistance of these comparable legislators to additional federal promises of equality. finally, competitors succeeded in making equality for ladies look risky. In therefore explaining the period controversy, the authors brilliantly remove darkness from the various meanings of feminism for the yankee humans.
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Extra resources for Sex, Gender, and the Politics of ERA: A State and the Nation
Example text
Who knows? Nobody! Who must decide? " Divorce laws, Would women benefit? "Who knows? Nobody! Who must decide? " Property rights, Would women benefit? "Who knows? Nobody! Who must decide? " The amendment was too vague, the courts overburdened, the possibility of governmental centralization too great. "The real discriminations against women," insisted the league, "result from custom and prejudice—not from laws. A constitutional amendment won't change these attitudes. " 3 Constitutional scholars were equally suspicious.
The meaning of this imposition, he claimed, was unclear, and court decisions would be required to apply an absolute standard where flexibility was desirable, as in the case of protective legislation for women. Freund believed that woman's place in society could not be defined by an "abstract rule of thumb" but by statutes and court cases relating specifically to the roles women played as wage earners, citizens, individuals, and family members. In each of these roles, however, sex defined women as a special kind of worker, citizen, and family member.
They fared no better among suffragists. North Carolina's chief justice, Walter Clark, thought women who opposed suffrage perhaps a little distracted. " 31 Anna Howard Shaw, president of NAWSA, referred to her opponents as the "Home, Heaven, and Mother Party," and the feminist writer and lecturer Charlotte Perkins Oilman thought them a little too romantic about motherhood. Even a kitten, she had observed in a combination of sacrilege, lese majesty, and scientific detachment, can be a mother. The implied attack on "motherhood" has suggested to some historians that opposition to woman suffrage was really deep-seated anxiety about the future of the family.