By Aihwa Ong, Michæl G Peletz
Contributors reduce throughout disciplinary barriers and draw on clean fieldwork and textual research, together with newspaper bills, radio studies, and feminist writing. Their topics variety largely: the writings of feminist Filipinas; Thai tales of widow ghosts; eye-witness bills of a beheading; narratives of bewitching genitals, recalcitrant husbands, and marketplace ladies as femmes fatales. Geographically, the essays hide Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. The essays convey to this zone the theoretical insights of gender concept, political financial system, and cultural studies.
Gender and different kinds of inequality and distinction grow to be altering structures of symbols and meanings. our bodies are explored as websites of political, monetary, and cultural transformation. the problems raised in those pages make very important connections among habit, our bodies, domination, and resistance during this dynamic and colourful region.
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Extra resources for Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia
Geertz 1961). Women's control over their own desires serves to compensate for men's lack of control (as the alternative representation has it), and by so doing preserves the assets that should properly be used to ensure the family's security. It is the wife's responsibility to do her utmost to make sure that her husband's desires do not drain the family's resources, while also doing everything in her means to increase those resources, thereby contributing to the improvement of her family's social status.
While some priyayi women did engage in trade in order to supplement their husbands' incomes, their priyayi status was not questioned as long as their husbands were not openly involved in business. , van Deventer 1904), noting that "only" the women seemed to have any business sense. It has been argued convincingly that the colonial dismissal of trade as an insignificant sideline activity for women served ideologically to legitimate state policies that limited Javanese participation in the most profitable areas of commerce (Alexander and Alexander 1991 :3 73).
Two Javanese men would have been much less apt to put on such a display. Even a semblance of a strong emotion like anger would be construed as a lack of control, threatening their status as well as their friendship. Many Javanese men in Solo-even those of the trading class, remarkably enough-are reluctant to bargain at all. Although they often claim disdain for the marketplace and dislike of its kasaratmosphere (in keeping with the ideology of spiritual potency), it appears that what they fear most is the possibility of losing the image of self-control, equanimity, and disinterest in personal gain that is so important for maintaining men's status.