Violent Conflicts in Indonesia: Analysis, Representation, by Charles Coppel

By Charles Coppel

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Extra resources for Violent Conflicts in Indonesia: Analysis, Representation, Resolution (Routledge Contemporary Souteast Asia Series)

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They were outraged by the denials in various quarters, police, military and civilian authorities, and certain Muslim groups that sexual assault and rapes of women occurred or even could have taken place in Jakarta in May 1998. Convinced by the findings of the Volunteer Team for Humanity (later confirmed, but to a lesser extent, by the Joint Fact-Finding Team) that sexual assaults and rapes had occurred, they took the issue to the President in person. At their meeting, Habibie announced the formation of Komnas Perempuan and of the Joint Fact-Finding Team.

In this sense, the state was an enterprise that operated on the same basis as criminals – preman or, in their own slang, jawara. 6 Derived from the Dutch for ‘free man’ and used to refer first to irregular or demobilized soldiers (Ryter 2000), in everyday use the word has overlapped with jago (literally, ‘fighting cock’), the village ‘tough’ of ancient tradition who in urban context became a gang boss; rampok bandits; and laskyar, militias or irregular forces,7 particularly during the revolutionary period (Cribb 1991: 18–19; notes 26–7).

Most of these events have involved a mixture of private and state-sanctioned violence, often one occurring in conjunction with the other. These events are, however, not isolated products of the power vacuum created by the resignation of the effective dictator of Indonesia, the gradual pushing out or replacement of the elites through which he ruled and a concurrent loss of certainty in the military. They can also be seen as the latest in a long sequence of violent acts by Indonesians against Indonesians, usually accompanied by some form of state involvement.

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