By Francesco Galgano
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Greater discretion will be granted agents when information about a policy field is highly complex and technical, or similarly, when a credible commitment must be particularly firm. Scholars differ regarding the nature of these two types of delegation. Pollack, for example, prefers the classic principal-agent model emphasizing how the inherent interests of agents in self-empowerment necessitate mechanisms of oversight and control by the principals. e. control over appointments and budgetary control, to oversight procedures designed to identify and subsequently control possible independent behaviour by agents, for example through new legislation or even institutional reform.
Finally, such elite strategies may well have contributed to the creation of a European public sphere of sorts with a degree of public and partially transnationally connected (or at least similar) deliberation of European-level issues. 34 In fact, such transnational European events have influenced European politics since the acceleration of communication and the development of mass (print) media in the second half of the nineteenth century, from the Vatican Council in 1870 to the murder of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo in 1914.
Transnational networks have played an important role in developing new integration agendas in suddenly insecure environments, for example by reorienting governments to functional economic integration after the collapse of the European Defence Community treaty in the French Parliament in 1954, by working for the direct election of the EP after de Gaulle’s exit from French politics, and by pushing for monetary union after the breakdown of the Iron Curtain, and combining this indirectly with the issue of German reunification.