By Anne Orford
The concept that states and the foreign neighborhood have a accountability to guard populations in danger has framed internationalist debates approximately clash prevention, humanitarian reduction, peacekeeping and territorial management on the grounds that 2001. Anne Orford situates the 'responsibility to guard' notion in a much broader ancient and jurisprudential context, demonstrating that the attract defense because the foundation for de facto authority has emerged now and then of civil warfare or revolution - the protestant revolutions of early sleek Europe, the bourgeois and communist revolutions of the next centuries and the revolution that's decolonisation. This historical past, from Hobbes to the UN, of the ensuing makes an attempt to floor authority at the means to assure safety and safeguard is vital examining for all these trying to comprehend, have interaction with, restrict or critique the expansive kinds of foreign rule permitted by way of the accountability to guard notion.
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Extra resources for International Authority and the Responsibility to Protect
Sample text
The new mechanisms of executive rule that have grown up over the past sixty years have developed in opposition to the idea that powerful states have authority to intervene in the name of protecting human rights and maintaining order in the decolonised world. On the other hand, those advocating international executive action have assumed, as did Hammarskjöld, that it would be possible for the international civil servant to occupy the space claimed by intervening states, and in so doing take the sting out of the tail of intervention.
Yet most states were willing to endorse the use of the responsibility to protect concept to justify the expansion of gentler forms of international action, such as humanitarian assistance, capacitybuilding, development aid and reform. Academic critics of the concept have also focused upon the possibility that it might be misused to justify 119 120 121 Anne Orford, ‘Jurisdiction without Territory: From the Holy Roman Empire to the Responsibility to Protect’, Michigan Journal of International Law 30 (2009), 981.
139 Kosovo (and later Iraq) represented a possible dystopian future in which powerful states or coalitions of the willing sidelined the UN and took its place as the representatives of humanity. ’140 He warned that: ‘If the collective conscience of humanity . . ’141 The ICISS report was designed to respond to that challenge. In the name of preventing the misuse of humanitarian motives to justify intervention by powerful states, it called for the international community to take collective action to prevent conflict, to respond to conflict and to react after conflict.