Urban Dominance and Labour Market Differentiation of a by Pedro Telhado Pereira, Maria Eugénia Mata

By Pedro Telhado Pereira, Maria Eugénia Mata

There has been an enormous explosion of curiosity in eu city heritage within the final a long time. throughout Europe we see a spate of latest study tasks and guides studying the industrial, demographic, social and cultural devel­ opments of the numerous millions of city centres -metropolitan towns, neighborhood towns and small cities. this is often infrequently brilliant simply because city improvement has been one of many central forces shaping the transformation of Europe from the Renaissance to the modern period. One extraordinary function of the hot paintings is its strongly interdisciplinary personality with economists, archaeologists, geographers, paintings historians and sociologists, in addition to historians, taking part in study. one other function of present methods is the tension on comparative city background -using the variable pat­ terns of improvement in several international locations to shed gentle not just on structural adaptations yet at the strategy of city switch itself. attesting to this enthusiasm for comparative heritage seeing that 1990 the ecu organization of city Historians (instituted by way of the ecu Union) has organ­ ised huge -scale comparative meetings at the ecu urban at Amsterdam, Strasbourg and Budapest. because the Eighties there has additionally been a community of european­ ropean associations (including the schools of Leicester, New college of Lisbon, Leiden, Cantabria, Humboldt college, Berlin, and Strasbourg, Gent and Leuven) actively desirous about pupil instructing programmes within the fiel- with aid from the ecu Union ERASMUS programme.

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Additional resources for Urban Dominance and Labour Market Differentiation of a European Capital City: Lisbon 1890–1990

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31 30 Suburban housing schemes; satellite cities; reconstruction of slum areas and low-income housing; inexpensive loans and tax rebates. 31See [Mata 94]. Portuguese urban system: 1890-1991 27 However, inertia of the structure of the Portuguese urban system has to do with the centralised organisation of the State. In opposition to countries such as Switzerland or the ex-Yugoslavia, where strong regional centres in addition to the capital cities exist (as a result of either federalist organisation or strong nationalist, autonomous movements) Portugal has always been a centralised political state.

The districts are still four, but in 1959 the number of parishes changed to 53. Some of them are new, and many others changed administrative boundaries (see chapter 4). 3Lisbon will remain divided into four parts, that will be reduced to three in 1878, under the names of Bairros Ocidental, Central and Oriental, as one can see in the two first census (1864 and 1878). 2 CHAPTER 3 How the space was occupied: the real boundaries In terms of area, successive changes enable one to see how the town grew by looking at the distances between parishes in the extreme East or West and North (see table below).

Such a background was not particularly conducive to sustaining concern and action to face this problem. Only when Portugal became an EEC member in 1986 was some significant financial support directed to regional development. Regional allocation policies of industries and employment opportunities affecting urban growth,30 as well as transportation facilities all over the country, have only been implemented recently. However, periods of real converging aims and openness of the economy are rarely easily consistent with redistributing aims.

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