The Ethnographic Self: Fieldwork and the Representation of by Amanda Coffey

By Amanda Coffey

What are the relationships among the self and fieldwork? How do own, emotional and identification concerns effect upon operating within the box?

This publication argues that ethnographers, and others serious about fieldwork, might be conscious of how fieldwork learn and ethnographic writing build, reproduce and implicate selves, relationships and private identities. All too usually study tools texts stay quite silent in regards to the ways that fieldwork impacts us and we impact the sector. The ebook makes an attempt to synthesize bills of the private adventure of ethnography. In doing so, the writer is sensible of the method of fieldwork study as a suite of functional, highbrow and emotional accomplishments. The booklet is

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Extra resources for The Ethnographic Self: Fieldwork and the Representation of Identity

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Their response in the face of this dissonance was to make me as Japanese as possible. Thus, my first nine months of fieldwork were characterised by an attempt to reduce the distance between Copyrighted Material Locating the Self 25 expectation and inadequate reality, as my informants and I conspired to rewrite my identity as Japanese. (Kondo, 1990: 12) Kondo's recasting of the self was her response to the management of cultural strangeness. Her account also points to the ways in which this was not an inert process, but one of interaction and negotiation.

She stresses that a key task is to devise strategies to deal with this problem. This view of ethnographic endeavour has been used as an important instrument for the practical accomplishment of fieldwork. There have been clear justifications of the analytic value of estrangement or alienation in the field (see Geer, 1964). Such justifications acknowledge the difficulties of achieving such a stance in some settings but argue that the cultivated naivety of the stranger-ethnographer provides an analytic cutting edge - allowing the researcher to pose original research questions and capture the complexities of social life.

They taught their children never to be close friends, marry, or go into business with someone l ike me. What they were expected to do with someone like me was proselytise. (Peshkin, 1 985: 14-15) Peshkin's account demonstrates that the ways in which we can become immersed are not always based on a sense of familiarity or belonging. Indeed immersion can capture the difficult position of the fieldworker, as both marginal to and fundamentally engaged in a cultural setting. As well as accounts of conversion and immersion, there are instances where researchers have reported extraordinary experiences that have occurred to them during fieldwork.

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