By David Torrance
A 300-year-old union. A entire debate. A historical determination. On 18 September 2014, Scots will come to a decision their destiny: may still the rustic give up the uk and take keep watch over of its personal future, or should still it stay a part of what advocates name the main winning political and monetary union of contemporary occasions? every person within the kingdom has a stake during this choice. Now, during this interesting and insightful new booklet, David Torrance charts the countdown to the massive day, weaving his approach via a minefield of declare and counterclaim, and pulling down fictions and fallacies from either Nationalists and Unionists. He plunges into the most important questions that experience formed an often-fraught argument, from the way forward for the pound to the form of an self sustaining Scottish military. With entry to the strategists and opinion-makers on each side of the political divide, this publication is going immediately to the guts of the nice debate, delivering an incisive, authoritative, sometimes trenchant consultant to the main dramatic constitutional query of our occasions - the conflict for Britain.
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Additional resources for The Battle for Britain: Scotland and the Independence Referendum
Example text
Politics are the games of power, thus a second approach to Chinese policy analysis is to argue that political power in Beijing is highly personalistic and that policy is the outcome of inter-elite power struggles (Pye 1968; MacFarquhar 1981; Pye 1981; Dittmer 1987; Goldstein 1991). Solutions to certain problems are not decided by coherent leaders seeking to maximize national interests, but by competing leaders who are sensitive to the potential implications of alternative initiatives. Policy differences are evaluated in terms of personal consequences upon individual leaders or factions rather than perceived national interests.
A clientelist tie in a faction has at least three dimensions: shared attributes, hierarchy and reciprocity. Shared attributes are the glue, hierarchy the form, reciprocity the goal. Dittmer and Wu (1995: 479–80) argue that factions may have three hierarchical sets of goals, concerning security, material interests and ideological and policy commitment. 22 The iron bloc inside out In Mao’s era, power struggles for security and survival (both political and physical) were vital to the factions. 2 Based on the above suggestion, Dittmer and Wu (1995) further elaborate on a revised factional model for reform politics.
Another important institutional setting of the Chinese bureaucratic system is the direct, patron–client relationship between economic agencies and state industries. Under the planning system, the economic ministries directly appoint executives and manage operations of the large state owned enterprises (SOEs). This arrangement makes the functional ministries natural representatives of industrial interests and strong advocates for trade protection. By interviewing Chinese economic officials, Wang Yong (1999) pioneers the study of the bureaucratic politics that has surrounded the WTO negotiation process.