By Jeremy I. Levitt
From Compton to Cairo and Bahia to Brixton, black girls were disproportionally plagued by poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, discrimination and violence. regardless of being one of many biggest and geographically dispersed teams on the planet, they're hardly ever referenced or regarded as a subject matter of study in foreign legislations literature. therefore, it is necessary that students refashion worldwide discourse via re-conceptualizing overseas legislation and kin from their exact studies and views. This certain and eclectic assortment covers a extensive diversity of themes and concerns that research the complicated interactions - as topics and gadgets - among black girls and overseas legislations. The publication seriously explores the manifold courting among them with a view towards highlighting the old and modern ways that they've got prompted and been encouraged by means of transnational legislations, doctrine, norms, jurisprudence, public coverage, public discourse and international governance. It purports to unearth outdated legislations and style new paradigms born out of the reviews of black girls.
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Black Women and International Law: Deliberate Interactions, Movements and Actions
From Compton to Cairo and Bahia to Brixton, black girls were disproportionally stricken by poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, discrimination and violence. regardless of being one of many biggest and geographically dispersed teams on this planet, they're hardly referenced or regarded as an issue of research in foreign legislation literature.
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Extra info for Black Women and International Law: Deliberate Interactions, Movements and Actions
Example text
That same year, Medgar Evers, the Mississippi NAACP Field Secretary, was gunned down outside his home; Bull Connor used fire hoses and police dogs on Black demonstrators; and, on Sunday September 15, 1963, four little girls attending Sunday School were killed by a bomb planted by white supremacists at the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, in Birmingham, Alabama. The murder of these innocent girls signaled a critical shift in the American conscious because it depicted to the world the degree to which racial hatred can spawn horrific, unprovoked violence and unleash the power of nonviolent protest.
One of the cases we brought was against the Houston Police Department for racially discriminatory hiring and promotional practices. Mark and I were both harassed by members of the police department, which was then led by the notorious Herman Short. Once, I was followed by a police car into my driveway when I had my five-year-old son in the car. I was also subjected to so-called routine traffic stops. Mark and another Black lawyer were physically abused by the police. In other cases, we toured steel mills and petrochemical plants as part of our discovery procedures and met in churches in East Texas, often feeling the back of my neck prickle as we were leaving late into the night.
Whom do these people end up representing? How does a Black woman manage political demands while understanding her location in history? How does the larger African or diasporic context impact domestic decisions? How do class, status, and political affiliation affect the nature of one’s participation in the political and intellectual process? How do we begin to subject the rise of Black women to leadership positions to the kind of internal critique that is fair and necessary? How does sexuality inform the construction of women in political leadership?