By Pierre Bourdieu
In his so much explicitly political paintings so far, Pierre Bourdieu speaks out opposed to the hot myths of our time - in particular these linked to neo-liberalism - and gives a passionate defence of the general public curiosity. The withdrawal of the country from many parts of social lifestyles lately - housing, future health, social providers, and so forth. - has produced transforming into melancholy within the such a lot disadvantaged sections of the inhabitants; the dismantling of public welfare within the identify of non-public company, versatile markets and worldwide competitiveness is expanding the distress of these who've suffered such a lot. during this sharp, uncompromising assault on neo-liberalism and those that champion it - from the IMF to the President of the Bundesbank, from politicians to educational commentators - Bourdieu stands up for the pursuits of the powerless and is helping to offer a voice to these contributors, teams and social activities whose perspectives are hardly heard within the dominant media. a strong plea for a brand new internationalism which might search to safeguard the general public curiosity and the social rights of normal humans opposed to the recent prophets of undefined, this significant and well timed publication via one in all Europe's most eminent intellectuals merits to be generally learn.
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Additional resources for Acts of Resistance: Against the New Myths of Our Time
Sample text
The centralisation of power has been accompanied by political measures that seem at odds with democratisation. Without secure state power, democracy and an effective market economy cannot function, and through the presidential power vertical, created in part through paraconstitutional innovations, Putin has established the order that Russians longed for after a generation of unpredictability and misery. But the country is no liberal democracy: it is a democracy with adjectives, the favoured one being “sovereign” (see Sakwa 2008, 135); this replaced “managed democracy”, and the manager has undoubtedly been Vladimir Putin, around whom some kind of cult has developed (a notion that he, understandably, dismisses: Putin 2010).
As prime minister since May 2008 Putin has played a far more prominent role than prime ministers did during his presidency. It is the prime minister, not the president, whose macho image briefly enlivens the mass media in August each year (in 2010 he was pictured in the cockpit of a fire-fighting plane – Pravitel’stvo 2010). However, as the office-holder most directly responsible for the management of the economy, Prime Minister Putin was the target of demonstrations in cities across the country, including a ‘Day of Wrath’ on 20 March (Elder 2010), suggesting that, in the continuing economic recession, popular patience that had been buoyed by an oil-fuelled resurgence had waned in the changed circumstances.
His explanation for the tardy development of democratic norms in Russia was that, after tsarism, Stalinism and communism, only in the 1990s was there an attempt to build society on different principles and “this takes time” (Putin 2010). Whether there exists a real difference of emphasis between president and prime minister is unclear. In the same interview, Putin stated that he and Medvedev frequently confer and work out common positions, but refused to speculate on what might happen in the 2012 presidential elections.