By Philippe Zittoun (auth.)
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Additional resources for The Political Process of Policymaking: A Pragmatic Approach to Public Policy
Example text
To some extent, problems therefore follow “careers” (Gusfield, 1981), which, far from being linear and marked by oscillations between success and failure, partly depend on the amount of support accompanying them. David Easton (1965) showed for example that taking a problem into account depended not only on transforming its definition, but also on the capacity of the actors bearing the problem to garner support. In a different register, Bruno Latour and Michel Callon worked on the importance of increasing interest and enrolment.
As genuine normative statements, solution proposals are rarely produced by coupling them to a problem found in a garbage can (Kingdon, 1995) but rather, are genuine definitional activities produced through “coupling” an already existent tool with the problem it is expected to resolve, the consequence that it is to produce, or even the public policy that it is to transform. To understand the coupling process, we must first focus on how actors, incapable of rationally resolving the problems that they find exceedingly complex, deploy cognitive stratagems in order to find solutions which mobilise nonetheless, subjective rather than bounded rationality.
It was therefore necessary to take a distance from this image of a responsible driver in order to change how the phenomenon was understood (Gusfield, 1981). The problem definitional process is therefore not only based on identifying a specific definition of society and of how it is cut in puzzling parts by the problem but is also influenced by the dissociation between the group of victims and the group of the guilty. The third stage: designating causes, authorities, and the group of the guilty In transforming a situation into a public problem, the third phase that is generally identifiable after the labelling of the problem and the identification of a Public of victims is the designation of causes.