By Peter Wilkin
Contemporary debates surrounding human safety have concerned about the pride of human wishes because the important target for international improvement. Peter Wilkin highlights the restrictions of this view and argues that except we include an account of human autonomy into human defense then the concept that is defective. He finds how human safeguard is a priority with social relatives that attach humans in neighborhood, nationwide and worldwide networks of energy, dependent via capitalism and hierarchical inter-state platforms. Autonomy, as a side of human safeguard, will depend on the power of electorate to achieve information regarding the approaches that form their lives. during this appreciate autonomy and verbal exchange are inherently associated and are must haves for the institution of significant democratic structures. To what quantity do advancements in worldwide verbal exchange increase or undermine autonomy? because the world's media businesses proceed to merge, we're relocating in the direction of an ever extra commercially pushed process of world info. Wilkin argues that personal possession presents an more and more robust predicament to human autonomy, and that the neo-liberal institutional and coverage framework – now an international tendency – increases significant difficulties for the attainment of human safeguard. whilst it has supplied the ideological justification for the extension of personal energy into ever wider parts of public existence. alterations in international communique replicate wider developments to augment the ability of world elites on the rate of operating humans and the writer illustrates how and why those alterations have taken position and the kinds of competition that experience arisen based on them.
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Extra resources for The Political Economy of Global Communication: An Introduction (Human Security in the Global Economy)
Sample text
In effect, there is a dominant ideology that has served to unite the interests of a range of powerful political and economic elites under the guise of providing a universal blueprint for progress and development. While there are functional aspects to this ideology (for example, it helps to legitimise the power of private capitalist interests over those of both the workforce and those excluded from work), it is far from being all embracing. I will illustrate later that this ideology is part of an ongoing struggle for control over the direction that social, political and economic organisation will take in the early twenty-first century.
The myth that only a free market can lead to innovation fails to explain the development of such communication breakthroughs as satellite technology, FM radio and the Internet, among others (Herman and McChesney, 1997). Thus it is an alliance of state and corporate actors who have sought to introduce NIT into the workplace and the marketplace as part of the aim of restructuring both state practices and global capitalism. The communications industries have been at the forefront of these developments, moving away from labour-intensive forms of skilled production in core states to production based on the semi-skilled operation of NIT.
As the World Bank’s report, World Development Indicators 1999, notes clearly, the growing gap between rich and poor countries of the world has been a defining feature of the past forty years. Once again we are in the realm of the tyranny of the minority. This is not to deny that globalisation is a complex and contradictory process and structure: it also brings benefits to the developing world, however minimal they may seem in practice. For example, wages paid by transnational corporations (TNCs) to workers in developing countries tend to be higher than those paid elsewhere in the local economy; not much higher, admittedly, but enough to take note of, as Robin Wright has argued (1999).