The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of by Bruce W. Jentleson, Steven Weber

By Bruce W. Jentleson, Steven Weber

Free-market capitalism, hegemony, Western tradition, peace, and democracy—the rules that formed global politics within the 20th century and underpinned American overseas policy—have misplaced a great deal of their energy. Authority is now extra contested and gear extra diffuse. Hegemony (benign or in a different way) isn't any longer a call, no longer for the USA, for China, or for someone else.

Steven Weber and Bruce Jentleson will not be declinists, yet they argue that the U.S. needs to take a distinct stance towards the remainder of the area during this, the twenty-first century. Now that we can’t dominate others, we needs to depend on process, making trade-offs and focusing our efforts. and so they don't suggest army process, comparable to “the worldwide warfare on terror.” relatively, we needs to compete within the worldwide industry of ideas—with state-directed capitalism, with charismatic authoritarian leaders, with jihadism. In politics, principles and impression are actually severe currency.

At the center of our efforts has to be a brand new perception of the area order in line with mutuality, and of a simply society that conjures up and embraces humans world wide.

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The stakes of one metaphor are no lower or higher than the stakes of the other. It is instead a strategy choice, and there’s little chance of getting a strategy right if you get the setting wrong. t he end of ar rogance 20 Consider the schema that may go through the head of a policy maker when the notion of war is invoked. Wars have generals who make strategic decisions and soldiers who follow orders along a hierarchy of command and control. 3 The metaphor continues. If this is a war of ideas, surely we would need a strong deterrent—the concept being that if we have in place a credible threat to crush a hurtful idea that might arise, then, knowing that, a potential adversary would never actually put the idea into play.

Despite President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s proddings, America did what Congress thought was good for America in the troubled days of the 1930s; what it meant for the rest of the world was, well, not really our concern. World War II pierced that bubble of splendid isolationism. For the second time in a half-century the United States found itself deeply engaged in a massive and nearly global conflict. Even then, however, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. quotes FDR as worrying that “anybody who thinks isolationism is dead in this country is crazy.

National interest, not cloud strategic thinking with naive idealist notions and mushy multilateralist pseudo-aspirations. ” the Economist editorialized. “It is hard to avoid the suspicion that it is the very idea of multilateral cooperation that Mr. ”15 And then came Iraq, which was of course never really just about Iraq. The removal of Saddam Hussein was to be a definitive demonstration of overwhelming American power, the birthing of Iraqi democracy a manifestation of that power married to American principles.

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