By M. Colvin
The definition of punishment in the United States has been subjected to quite a few adjustments and has served because the foundation for a lot debate over the process U.S. background. simply how a long way the achieve of penal authority may still expand, and precisely what limits to it's going to be imposed, are questions explored the following by means of sociologist Dr. Mark Colvin, who has huge adventure operating in penitentiaries and correction firms.
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Extra resources for Penitentiaries, Reformatories and Chain Gangs: Social Theory and the History of Punishment in Nineteenth Century America
Example text
Punishments could indeed be painful and humiliating. Public punishments could include whipping, being placed in a pillory, banishment, branding, and the ducking-stool. Offenders could also be subjected to the brank (also known as the dame’s bridle), which was an iron framework that enclosed the head in a kind of cage. In the front of this device a plate of iron, which was sometimes sharpened or covered with spikes, was placed in the mouth. This punishment was most often used for the offense of gossiping (Teeters 1955: 7).
Then Foucault presents us with a description of a disciplinary regime in a penal institution, in which the subject of discipline is classified by type of inmate, trained in routine tasks, carefully evaluated, tested, given medical and psychological examinations, and continually observed. According to Foucault, the nature of power in the punishment process has been transformed. Now the process is aimed at controlling the mind and even the soul of the offender. The 20 PENITENTIARIES, REFORMATORIES, AND CHAIN GANGS purpose of this process is to create self-controlled bodies that are docile and thus pose no threat to those who hold power in modern societies.
T]he criminal courts shifted from enforcing communal morality to enforcing the market’s property relationships” (Sellers 1991: 47). Even in areas such as Massachusetts, where crimes against morality had been important in the 1600s, their importance diminished throughout the 1700s, falling to only 7 percent of the cases after 1800 (Greenberg 1982: 315; Nelson 1975: 117-18). In contrast, property-crime prosecutions increased steadily in all the northern colonies throughout the 1700s, overtaking crimes of personal violence, which declined in relative significance (Greenberg 1982: 307).