Gender and Political Communication in America: Rhetoric, by Janis L. Edwards, Paul Achter, Wendy Atkins-Sayre, Heather

By Janis L. Edwards, Paul Achter, Wendy Atkins-Sayre, Heather Aldridge Bart, Teresa Bergman, Lisa M. Burns, Erika Falk, Margaret E. Farrar, Heidi Hamilton, Mary L. Kahl, Shereé Keith, Stephen A. Klien, Janette Kenner Muir, Jimmie Manning, Kim Reiser, Cady Sh

Gender and Political conversation in the United States is a accomplished anthology of labor that investigates, from a rhetorical and significant perspective, the intersection and mutual impacts of gender and political conversation. development on present idea and learn, the members replace and interrogate modern problems with gendered politics appropriate to the twenty first century, together with the ancient 2008 election.

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Example text

Bill also has a great ability to connect with his audiences. He tells stories, plays a saxophone in public, jokes about his eating habits and talks about how much he loves and respects his family. Even when various charges were leveled against him regarding financial dealings and womanizing, very few of these charges were ultimately able to stick and Clinton came to be known as “Slick Willie” in many Republican circles. Hillary’s more reserved and steely demeanor, on the other hand, has often been interpreted as cold and calculating.

The White House. > (9 July 2007). 30. While this is an alternate interpretation offered by the authors, research supports this perspective. See Morris, Smith, Anderson cited above for more description of the Clinton relationship. 31. > (5 May 2007). 32. Rich Lowry, “The World of Hillary Hatred,” Time, 19 November 2007, 51. 33. Dana Milbank, “Still After the Holy Grail,” Washington Post, 20 May 2008, A3. 34. edu “Why I’m In,” 14 May 2008, personalized mass email (14 May 2008). 35. Interestingly, there has been little speculation about the potential role of Sarah Palin’s husband, as of this writing (which occurs during the campaign), perhaps due, in part, to the difference between the presidential and vice presidential roles.

Workers’ strategies of petitions and strikes scared many of the middle- and upperclass reformers. Often, reformers’ husbands or fathers owned the factories where women worked, so their family’s livelihood was at stake. Conservative reformers also saw collective bargaining as leading to a communistsocialist way of thinking, instead of each man or woman standing on his or her own merit. These leanings were unacceptable in a capitalist society that had benefited their own families. Since economic reform at this time came at a price that was untenable for upper-class society there was another way that reformers sought to help working women: protectionist legislation.

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