By Ann Miles
Transnational migration is a arguable and much-discussed factor in either the preferred media and the social sciences, yet at its middle migration is ready person humans making the tricky option to depart their households and groups in hopes of accomplishing better fiscal prosperity. Vicente Quitasaca is this type of humans. In 1995, he left his domestic within the Ecuadorian urban of Cuenca to reside and paintings in long island urban. This anthropological tale of Vicente's migration and its results on his lifestyles and the lives of his mom and dad and siblings provides a very important human measurement to statistical data approximately immigration and the macro influence of transnational migration at the worldwide economic system. Anthropologist Ann Miles has recognized the Quitasacas given that 1989. Her lengthy acquaintance with the family members permits her to delve deeply into the criteria that finally impelled the oldest son to make the tricky and unsafe trip to the USA as an undocumented migrant. targeting every one loved one in flip, Miles explores their various perceptions of social inequality and racism in Ecuador and their reactions to Vicente's migration. As family discuss Vicente's new, hard-to-imagine existence in the USA, they exhibit how transnational migration turns into an emblem of failure, desire, resignation, and promise for bad humans in suffering economies. Miles frames this interesting family members biography with an research of the old and structural stipulations that motivate transnational migration, in order that the Quitasacas' tale turns into a bright firsthand representation of this transforming into international phenomenon.
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Extra info for From Cuenca to Queens: An Anthropological Story of Transnational Migration
Example text
They believe that migrants have traded family values and cultural continuity purely for material gain. Yet the inherent simplicity of the migrants and their families, so the cultural mythmaking goes, means that the values of the material goods are not really understood by those who purchase them; they are only empty symbols of conspicuous consumption. While I heard this sentiment frequently in my conversations with middle- and upper-class Cuencanos, it was truly brought home to me in the national magazine article discussed at the beginning of this chapter (Vistazo, July , ).
Vicente and Alexandra’s teenage years proved particularly troublesome, as they openly expressed anger at their parents for their poverty and the lack of opportunity it provided and what they interpreted as their parents’ lack of urban sophistication. Anxious to appear modern and stylish, both Vicente and Alexandra have been frustrated about their inabilities to attend social events and buy new clothes. Desire always seemed to outpace their financial prospects. At some point everyone in the family realized that the parents’ plan of achieving a middle-class lifestyle through hard work and respect for the dominant values will never be achieved.
Those in the upper classes carry surnames that instantly bring respect, and they have dense networks of individuals that they can call upon for assistance. In contrast, those at the bottom of Cuencan society, like rural-to-urban migrants, are relatively bereft of palanca. For poor people in Cuenca, establishing influential networks is elusive. One of the most common ways to extend network connections is through godparent relationships, asking someone of significance to sponsor a child in baptism or some other ritual.